Prejudice and Discrimination Essay - 913 Words

Prejudice and Discrimination Prejudice: 1) an opinion formed without careful thought.2) an unreasonable or unfair feeling (in favour of, or against something). Discrimination : 1) to be the difference between. 2) (with favour of, against ) to treat favourably or unfairly. These are the dictionaries definitions of what the two words mean, obviously very briefly. Different forms of prejudice and discrimination are the underlining of racism, sexism, ageism, nationalism and more, but these are the key elements of prejudice and discrimination. All around the world different people of different religions, race etc are troubled with these issues everyday against each other and from others, no matter†¦show more content†¦Parable of the Good Samaritan teaches that help should be given without regard to race. In a sexist society Jesus treated women with dignity and respect; e.g. The woman at the well; (John 4) Christians do not accept discrimination. From people I have asked, and from what I have read I have concluded that a Christian, or somebody with Christian morals would offer a victim of prejudice or discrimination, and help them to deal with it, in the ways of dealing with the effects of the actual event or actions of somebody else in a compassionate way. The perpetrator should also be helped in a way to guide them and help them understand the views and emotions of the victim. Saying this, many Christians deal with it in another way. Many Christians are police officers, but discriminating is a criminal offence, and the perpetrator can be tried for it in a court of law. This means the Christian is punishing the perpetrator, and will be further punished by a court. Discrimination can also be misunderstood. A recent article in the newspaper showed that a Pakistani person felt that he had been discriminated against, as somebody had called him a Paki. This man had taken the other man to court, under the charge of discrimination. The judge, whoShow MoreRelatedDiscrimination And Prejudice And Discrimination1638 Words   |  7 PagesDiscrimination comes in a number of forms. We have age discrimination, employment or job discrimination, racial discrimination, gender discrimination, reverse discrimination, sexual discrimination, and others. Prejudice is a negative attitude toward a socially defined group and toward any person perceived to be a member of that group (Burgess, 2003). The purpose of her research was to talk about discrimination and prejudices and the affect they have on our day to day lives. She also defines prejudiceRead MoreDiscrimination And Prejudice And Discrimination1608 Words   |  7 PagesDiscrimination comes in all forms. Th ere is age discrimination, employment or job discrimination, racial discrimination, gender discrimination, reverse discrimination, sexual discrimination, and then there is also positive discrimination such as a guy letting an attractive woman out in traffic; he is then positively discriminating against her. Prejudice is a negative attitude toward a socially defined group and toward any person perceived to be a member of that group. The purpose of my research isRead MorePrejudice And Discrimination : Prejudice Essay1527 Words   |  7 PagesPrejudice and Discrimination Prejudice and discrimination can take several different forms. The first item I would like to delineate in this essay is the correlations between prejudice, racism, and discrimination. Prejudices quite often stem from ignorance or a lack of understanding. Essentially, prejudice strips away any individualism that belongs to a person and creates a negative opinion as soon as a connection is made to the group with which the person belongs. This happens because the prejudiceRead MorePrejudice, Discrimination, And Discrimination1050 Words   |  5 PagesWhat is Aversive Prejudice/Discrimination All types of prejudice vary in some ways , some people are very blunt and some people merely whisper under their breath or secretly avoid the people they dislike. This falls more in between those line with this being an example of averise racism specifically â€Å" Aversive racists, in contrast, sympathize with victims of past injustice,support principles of racial equality, and genuinely regard themselves as non-prejudiced, but at the same time possess conflictingRead MoreDiscrimination And Prejudice And Discrimination Essay1672 Words   |  7 PagesPeople can be can be prejudice or be discriminatory towards anyone for any reason. Prejudice and discrimination are two very different things, prejudice is the unfair feeling of dislike for a person or group because of their race, sex religion, etc. Discrimination is the unjust or prejudicial treatment of different categories of people or things, especially on the grounds of race, age, or sex. It can occur anywhere, in the workplace , shops, restaurants, schools or just walking down the street. OneRead MoreDiscrimination And Prejudice : Discrimination1719 Words   |  7 PagesKendrah Lopez CS – 420 12 Sep. 2017 Discrimination and Prejudice Discrimination and Prejudice I chose discrimination and prejudice for my multicultural paper, because I feel that discrimination and prejudice is the main reason for all the hate in the world. People are discriminated against because of reasons such as race, ethnicity, religion, looks, sex, sexual orientation, class, and other ridiculous reasons. I feel that if discrimination could be eradicated, then this world would be a peacefulRead MoreDiscrimination : Prejudice And Discrimination Essay2081 Words   |  9 PagesRunning Head: PREJUDICE AND DISCRIMINATION 1 PREJUDICE AND DISCRIMINATION 8 Prejudice and Discrimination: What?s the Difference? Emily B. Hutchins Salem College Prejudice and Discrimination: What?s the Difference? Prejudice and discrimination are two different actions with similar meanings. A person can have prejudice without acting in a discriminatory manner; however, if someone is discriminating against someone, they have prejudices. A prejudice can start from a stereotype andRead MorePrejudice and Discrimination1551 Words   |  7 PagesAnalytical Factsheet on Prejudice amp; Discrimination on Class Inequality Section 1: Executive Summary This essay is about prejudice and discrimination occurring in Singapore context to address Class discrimination. This essay will also show reasons to why prejudice and discrimination occurs and the effects of such inequity can cause to the society. In this case studies possible measures and solutions will be highlighted and suggested. Section 2: The issues and who are involved This essay willRead MorePrejudice, Discrimination, And Institutional Discrimination Essay1438 Words   |  6 Pagestoday’s society may believe that prejudice and discrimination mean the same thing and most people may not pay attention to the fact that there is a huge difference between the two terms. The main difference between these terms is, prejudice is a negative idea about a certain group of people or people of a particular race. The person usually doesn’t act on the idea, they mainly just keep it to themselves. Most would describe it as being a â€Å"pre-judgement†. Discrimination, on the other hand, is far muchRead MorePrejudice and Discrimination Essay1621 Words   |  7 PagesBethany Norris – Unit 1 – Prejudice and Discrimination Part One Prejudice: The dictionary defines prejudice as an unfair and unreasonable opinion or feeling, especially when formed without enough thought or knowledge. This means that a person may form an opinion on a person or a particular group of people without having any facts or knowledge about that person or group. Prejudice is normally perceived as being bad but there are some instances where prejudice is an aid to survival for example

Overview of Community Corrections in USA - 1191 Words

Community Corrections Community Corrections are the non-prison penalties that are enforced on convicted, sentenced or arrested adults (i.e. 18 or above) for making crimes. Community corrections are basically planned for the crimes that are petty as compared to the serious offences that are murder, kidnapping or so on. The crimes that are supposed to receive less severe punishment are given in charge of community corrections. These programs focus on non-violent offenders and punish them with probation, house arrest, victim integrated rehabilitation or release them on bail and thus saving them from sentencing of getting in prison. (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2012) The aim behind these community corrections programs is to give a second chance to the petty offenders and help them becoming the productive citizen of the country. Since, most of the people in the community start treating the people who once been prisoned as like an alien; they are not chosen for the jobs they deserve nor given the respect. Such behavior worsens the attitude of these people. Moreover, most of the people become psychological patients after coming out of the jail. The community corrections programs aims at providing non-violent offenders a favorable environment to build their confidence. They are saved from prison and given a chance to live a normal life. Since, the environment of jail is tormenting and instead of becoming a better person, the people with minor offences become more negative.Show MoreRelatedImpact of the Usa Patriot Act2309 Words   |  10 PagesAbstract The primary concern of this paper is to establish the impact of the USA Patriot Act on local law enforcement and its potential for net widening. This paper will cover three primary areas to provide a proper public safety case analysis. 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Critdiscanalysis Doc free essay sample

My current research is on processes of social change in their discourse aspect (Fairclough 1992 is an early formulation of a version of CDA specialized for this theme). More specifically, I am concerned with recent and contemporary processes of social transformation which are variously identified by such terms as ‘neo-liberalism’, ‘globalisation’, ‘transition’, ‘information society’, ‘knowledge-based economy’ and ‘learning society’. I shall focus here on the version of CDA I have been using in more recent (partly collaborative) work (Chiapello Fairclough 2002, Chouliaraki Fairclough 1999, Fairclough 2000a, 2000b, 2003, 2004, Fairclough, Jessop Sayer 2004). Methodologically, this approach entails working in a ‘transdisciplinary’ way through dialogue with other disciplines and theories which are addressing contemporary processes of social change. Transdisciplinary’ (as opposed to merely ‘interdisciplinary’, or indeed ‘postdisciplinary’, Sum Jessop 2001) implies that the theoretical and methodological development (the latter including development of methods of analysis) of CDA and the disciplines/theories it is in dialogue with is informed through that dialogue, a matter of working with (though not at all simply appropriating) the ‘logic’ and categories of the other in developing one’s own theory and methodology (Fairclough forthcoming a). The overriding objective is to give accounts – and more precise accounts than one tends to find in social research on change of the ways in which and extent to which social changes are changes in discourse, and the relations between changes in discourse and changes in other, non-discoursal, elements or ‘moments’ of social life (including therefore the question of the senses and ways in which discourse ‘(re)constructs’ social life in processes of social change). The aim is also to identify through analysis the particular linguistic, semiotic and ‘interdiscursive’ (see below) features of ‘texts’ (in a broad sense – see below) which are a part of processes of social change, but in ways which facilitate the productive integration of textual analysis into multi-disciplinary research on change. Theoretically, this approach is characterized by a realist social ontology (which regards both abstract social structures and concrete social events as parts of social reality), a dialectical view of the relationship between structure and agency, and of the relationship between discourse and other elements or ‘moments’ of social practices and social events (discourse is different from – not reducible to – but not discrete from – ‘internalizes’ and is ‘internalized’ by (Harvey 1996) – other social elements). I shall proceed as follows. In section 1 I shall give summarise main theoretical features of this version of CDA. In Section 2 I shall discuss the view of methodology, including methods of data collection and analysis, referring specifically to an aspect of ‘transition’ (and ‘globalisation’) in central and eastern Europe and more particularly in Romania: the project of developing ‘information societies’ and ‘knowledge-based economies’. I shall develop this example in Section 3, discussing the recontextualization of discourses of the ‘information society’ and ‘knowledge-based economy’ in a Romanian policy document. . Theoretical issues The term ‘discourse’ is used in various ways within the broad field of discourse analysis. Two are of particular relevance here. First, ‘discourse’ in an abstract sense as a category which designates the broadly semiotic elements (as opposed to and in relation to other, non-semi otic, elements) of social life (language, but also visual semiosis, ‘body language’ etc). I prefer to use the term ‘semiosis’ (Fairclough, Jessop Sayer 2004) to avoid the common confusion of this sense of ‘discourse’ with the second, hich I retain: ‘discourse’ as a count noun, as a category for designating particular ways of representing particular aspects of social life (eg it is common to distinguish different political discourses, which represent for example problems of inequality, disadvantage, poverty, ‘social exclusion’, in different ways). The category of ‘discourse’ in this second sense is defined through its relation to and difference from two other categories, ‘genre’ and ‘style’ (see below). The realist social ontology adopted here treats social structures as well as social events as parts of social reality. Like a number social theorists, such as Bourdieu and Bhaskar (Bourdieu Wacquant 1992, Bhaskar 1986), I assume that coherent accounts of the relationship between social structures and social events depend upon mediating categories, for which I shall use the term ‘social practices’, meaning more or less stable and durable forms of social activity, which are articulated together to constitute social fields, institutions, and organizations. There is a semiotic dimension at each of these levels. Languages (as well as other semiotic systems) are a particular type of social structure. I use the term ‘order of discourse’ (the term is Foucault’s, but it is recontextualized within this version of CDA in a distinctive way, see Foucault 1984, Fairclough 1992, 2003) for the semiotic dimension of articulated networks of social practices (for instance, the political field is partly constituted as a particular order of discourse, so too are specific governmental, educational or business organizations). I use the term ‘text’ in an extended way for the semiotic dimension of social events – the written documents and websites of government are ‘texts’ in this sense, as also are interviews and meetings in government or business organisations (Fairclough 2003). The term ‘text’ is not really felicitous used in this way, because one cannot shake off its primary association with written texts, but it is difficult to find a preferable general term. Social practices and, at a concrete level, social events, are articulations of diverse social elements, including semiosis. One might for instance see social practices as including the following elements (though there is clearly room for argument about what the elements are): Activities Social relations Objects and instruments Time and place Social subjects, with beliefs, knowledge, values etc Semiosis These elements are dialectically related (Harvey 1996). That is to say, they are different elements, but not discrete, fully separate, elements. There is a sense in which each ‘internalizes’ the others without being reducible to them. So for instance social relations in organizations clearly have a partly semiotic character, but that does not mean that we simply theorize and research social relations in the same way that we theorize and research language. They have distinct properties, and researching them gives rise to distinct disciplines. Conversely, texts are so massively ‘overdetermined’ (Althusser Balibar 1970, Fairclough, Jessop Sayer 2004) by other social elements that linguistic analysis of texts quickly finds itself addressing questions about social relations, social identities, institutions, and so forth, but this does not mean that linguistic analysis of texts is reducible to forms of social analysis. Nevertheless, the dialectical character of relations between elements underscores the value and importance of working across disciplines in a ‘transdisciplinary’ way. Semiosis figures in broadly three ways in social practices (and the articulations of practices which constitute social fields, institutions, organizations) and social events. First, it figures as a part of the social activity, part of the action (and interaction). For instance, part of doing a job (for instance, being a shop assistant) is using language in a particular way; so too is part of governing a country. Second, semiosis figures in representations. Social actors acting within any field or organization produce representations of other practices, as well as (‘reflexive’) representations of their own practices, in the course of their activity, and different social actors will represent them differently according to how they are positioned within fields or organizations. Third, semiosis figures in ways of being, in the constitution of identities – for nstance the identity of a political leader such as Tony Blair in the UK is partly a semiotically constituted way of being (Fairclough 2000b). Semiosis as part of social activity constitutes ‘genres’. Genres are diverse ways of (inter)acting in their specifically semiotic aspect. Examples are: meetings in various types of organisation, political and other forms of interview, news articles in the press, and book reviews. Semiosis in the representation and self-representation of social practices constitutes â⠂¬Ëœdiscourses’. Discourses are diverse representations of social life. For instance, the lives of poor and disadvantaged people are represented through different discourses in the social practices of government, politics, medicine, and social science, as well as through different discourses within each of these practices corresponding to different positions of social actors. Finally, semiosis as part of ways of being constitutes ‘styles’ – for instance the styles of business managers, or political leaders. The semiotic aspect of a social field or institution or organization (ie of a specific articulation of social practices) is an ‘order of discourse’, a specific articulation of diverse genres and discourses and styles. At a higher level of analysis, part of the analysis of relations between different social fields, institutions and (types of) organization(s) is analysis of relations between different orders of discourse (eg those of politics and the mass media). An order of discourse is a social structuring of semiotic difference – a particular social ordering of relationships amongst different ways of making meaning, ie different discourses and genres and styles. One aspect of this ordering is dominance: some ways of making meaning are dominant or mainstream in a particular order of discourse, others are marginal, or oppositional, or ‘alternative’. For instance, there may be a dominant way to conduct a doctor-patient consultation in Britain, but there are also various other ways, which may be adopted or developed to a greater or lesser extent alongside or in opposition to the dominant way. The dominant way probably still maintains social distance between doctors and patients, and the authority of the doctor over the way interaction proceeds; but there are other ways which are more ‘democratic’, in which doctors play down their authority. The political concept of ‘hegemony’ can usefully be used in analyzing orders of discourse (Butler et al 2000, Fairclough 1992, Laclau Mouffe 1985). A particular social structuring of semiotic difference may become hegemonic, become part of the legitimizing common sense which sustains relations of domination, though hegemony is always open to contestation to a greater or lesser extent. An order of discourse is not a closed or rigid system, but rather an open system, which can be changed by what happens in actual interactions. In critical realist terms (Fairclough, Jessop Sayer 2004), social events are constituted through the intersection of two causal powers – those of social practices (and, behind them, of social structures), and those of social agents. We may say that social agents produce events in occasioned and situated ways, but they depend on social structures and social practices do so – the causal powers of social agents are mediated by those of social structures and practices, and vice-versa. Texts in the extended sense I described earlier are the semiotic elements of social events, and it helps to highlight the productive activity of social agents in making texts if we think of them in process terms as ‘texturing’: social agents draw upon social structures (including languages) and practices (including orders of discourse) in producing texts, but actively work these ‘resources’, create (potentially novel) texts out of them, rather than simply instantiating them. Analysis of texts includes ‘interdiscursive’ analysis of how genres, discourses and styles are articulated together. These are categories which are distinguished and related at the level of social practices (as elements of orders of discourse). At the level of social events – texts – they are drawn upon in ways which give rise to hybridity or ‘mixing’ of categories, ie a text may be hybrid with respect to genres, discourses and/or styles (for instance, the ‘marketization’ of higher education is partly a matter of texts which ‘mix’ the genres and styles, as well as more obviously the discourses, of education and of the market, Fairclough 1993). Analysis of texts also includes linguistic analysis, and semiotic analysis of for instance visual images (contemporary texts are characteristically, and increasing, ‘multimodal’ with respect semiotic systems, Kress van Leeuwen 2000). Interdiscursive analysis is a central and distinctive feature of this version of CDA. It allows one to incorporate elements of ‘context’ into the analysis of texts, to show the relationship between concrete occasional events and more durable social practices, to show innovation and change in texts, and it has a mediating role in allowing one to connect detailed linguistic and semiotic features of texts with processes of social change on a broader scale. Social change includes change in social practices and in the networking of social practices, how social practices are articulated together in the constitution of social fields, institutions and organizations, and in the relations between fields, institutions and organisations. This includes change in orders of discourse and relations between orders of discourse (and so changes in genres, discourses and styles and relations between genres, discourses and styles). Moreover, changes in semiosis (orders of discourse) are a precondition for wider processes of social change – for example, an elaborated network of genres is a precondition for ‘globalisation’ if one understands the latter as including enhancement of possibilities for ‘action at a distance’, and the spatial ‘stretching’ of relations of power (Giddens 1990). And in many cases, wider processes of social change can be seen as starting from change in discourse, as I argue below. I said above that the relationship between semiosis and other elements of social practices is a dialectical relationship – semiosis internalises and is internalised by other elements without the different elements being reducible to each other. They are different, but not discrete. If we think of the dialectics of discourse in historical terms, in terms of processes of social change, the question that arises is the ways in which and the conditions under which processes of internalisation take place. Take the concept of a ‘knowledge-based economy’. This suggests a qualitative change in economies such that economic processes are primarily knowledge-driven, and change comes about, at an increasingly rapid pace, through the generation, circulation, and operationalisation (including materialization)of knowledge in economic processes. Of course knowledge (science, technology) has long (indeed, one might say always) been ignificant in economic change, but what is being suggested is a dramatic increase in its significance in comparison with other factors (including financial capital and labour force) – though the extent to which this is an actual change in reality rather than a fashionable rhetorical construal of reality remains contentious. The relevance of these ideas here is that ‘knowledge-driven’ amounts to ‘discourse-driven’: knowledge is generated and circulates as discourses, and the process through which knowledge (as discourses) be come operationalised in economies is precisely the dialectics of semiosis. Discourses include representations of how things are and have been, as well as imaginaries – representations of how things might or could or should be. The ‘knowledge’ of the knowledge-based economy includes imaginaries in this sense – projections of possible states of affairs, ‘possible worlds’. In terms of the concept of social practice, they imagine possible social practices and networks of social practices – possible articulations of activities, social subjects, social relations, instruments, objects, space times, values. These imaginaries may be operationalized as actual (networks of) practices – imagined activities, subjects, social relations etc can become real activities, subjects, social relations etc. Operationalization includes materialization of discourses – economic discourses become materialized for instance in the instruments of economic production, including the ‘hardware’ (plant, machinery, etc) and the ‘software’ (management systems, etc). Discourses as imaginaries also come to be enacted in new ways of acting and interacting, and such enactments are in part ‘intra-semiotic’: discourses become enacted as genres. Consider for instance new management discourses which imagine management systems based upon ‘teamwork’, relatively non-hierarchical, networked, ways of managing organisations. They may become enacted semiotically as new genres (within new networks of genres), for instance genres for team meetings. Such specifically semiotic enactments are embedded within their more general enactment as new ways of acting and interacting in production processes. Discourses as imaginaries may also come to be inculcated as new ways of being, new identities. It is a commonplace that new economic and social formations depend upon new subjects – for instance, ‘Taylorism’ as a production and management system depended upon changes in the ways of being, the identities, of workers (Gramsci 1971). The process of ‘changing the subject’ can be thought of in terms of the inculcation of new discourses – Taylorism would be an example. Inculcation is a matter of people coming to ‘own’ discourses, to position themselves inside them, to act and think and talk and see themselves in terms of new discourses. A stage towards inculcation is rhetorical deployment: people may learn new discourses and use them for certain purposes (eg procuring funding for regional development projects or academic research) while at the same time self-consciously keeping a distance from them. One of the complexities of the dialectics of discourse is the process in which what begins as self-conscious rhetorical deployment becomes ‘ownership’ – how people become un-self-consciously positioned ‘within’ a discourse. Inculcation also has its material aspects: discourses are dialectically inculcated not only in styles, ways of using language, they are also materialised in bodies, postures, gestures, ways of moving, and so forth (which are themselves semioticized to various degrees, but without being reducible to semiosis). There is nothing inevitable about the dialectics of semiosis (the ‘dialectics of discourse’, Harvey 1996) as I have described it. A new discourse may come into an institution or organisation without being enacted or inculcated. It may be enacted, yet never be fully inculcated. Examples abound. For instance, managerial discourses have been quite extensively enacted within British (as well as other national) universities (eg as procedures of staff appraisal, including a new genre of ‘appraisal interview’), yet arguably the extent of inculcation is limited – many if not most academics do not ‘own’ these management discourses. We have to consider the conditions of possibility for, and the constraints upon, the dialectics of discourse in particular cases. This has a bearing on theories of ‘social constructionism’ (Sayer 2000).

La Noche Boca Arriba Essays - DraftOlney Goin, Corn Tellado

La Noche Boca Arriba Farnaz Falsafi Espa?ol 312 30/10/00 ?La noche boca arriba? La imaginaci?n del ser humano es como una llave a otro mundo. Nos permite construir nuestras propias experiencias adem?s de las que ocurren en el mundo real. Es natural utilizar la mente para inventar nuestro mundo ideal, aunque usualmente no es una realidad obtenible. En el cuento ?La noche boca arriba? por Julio Cort?zar, se puede ver esta transformaci?n, en que un hombre al borde de la muerte flota entre dos mundos separados, uno de la realidad y el otro s?lo el producto de su imaginaci?n, para tratar de escapar el destino inevitable. El car?cter principal experimenta dos mundos en su mente. El autor usa la estructura narrativa y la idea de la fantas?a (el sue?o) para dar un sentido de confusi?n de la identidad. Primero, Cort?zar escribi? el cuento con un estilo diferente y t?pico de su estilo. El autor usa los sue?os en sus obras para mostrar los aspectos irracionales de la existencia humana. Este cuento es como un espacio libre para ni?os, donde el lector puede explorar y experimentar el cuento sin las usuales restricciones de la literatura. Por ejemplo, en este cuento mezcla lo real y la fantas?a. En esa manera, el autor ha roto las reglas de la literatura para demostrar ciertos aspectos de ser humano. La historia es narrada en la tercera persona. Eso es importante para el desarrollo del cuento, porque en tercera persona, el narrador puede saber todo de lo que el car?cter est? experimentando y sintiendo. Tiene una perspectiva de un omnipotente y por eso puede cuenta la historia mejor. Otra cosa es un choque que el lector siente cuando lee. Cuando el lector empiece a leer el cuento, al principio parece ser como tantos otros cuentos. Pero el autor r?pidamente da una choque al lector. Cort?z ar hace un cambio entre los sue?os de un hombre; del un hospital hoy en d?a, y una selva durante la ?poca de los aztecas. Las dos son tan distintas hasta que producen esta afecta. El cuento trata de los sue?os, y por eso se puede decir que juega con las ideas que los sue?os vienen de nuestros propios mentes. Adem?s de la estructura narrativa, Cort?zar manipula la idea de la fantas?a. ?l usa la fantas?a para distinguir entre las dos identidades del hombre. El hombre, casi muerto en la cama de un hospital, empiece tener las pesadillas v?vidas. En sus sue?os, el hombre est? en el tiempo de los aztecas. Est? en la selva durante la noche y sabe que tiene que escapar a los aztecas para que no le sacrifiquen. Las pesadillas del hombre son tan descriptivas y tan reales hasta que sus sue?os son otro mundo en s?. En su sue?o el hombre est? en el pasado, en una selva y tiene miedo. Hay un olor muy extra?o y fuerte que el hombre casi no puede aguantar. Cort?zar usa el olor muchas veces para representar el miedo de la persona. El empleo del olor es un ejemplo de las im?genes que Cort?zar cre? en la historia. En el sue?o el narrador dice, ?Pero el olor ces?, y en cambio vino una fragancia compuesta y oscura como la noche en que se mov?a huyendo de los aztecas? (90). La fragancia crea una imagen de la noche y el miedo del hombre en la selva. Es interesante que el hombre falta de olfato cuando est? en el hospital, comparado con los olores muy vividas en la selva. La presencia de olores en s?lo uno de los mundos es muy importante porque da un sentido que la imaginaci?n no puede alterar tan f?cilmente como los otros. Esto explica en el cuento cuando el hombre est? confundido ?porque [el mundo de su sue?o] est? lleno de olores y ?l nunca sue?a olores? (90). En el sue?o el hombre empieza a correr y se despierta en la realidad, en la cama del hospital. Cada vez que el hombre duerme tiene la pesadilla, y cada vez la pesadilla avanza a un estado m?s horrible, hasta que los aztecas capturarlo y van a sacrificar el hombre. Los dos mundos comparten unas semejanzas importantes. En ambos casos, el hombre llega a su destinaci?n